Religion-based Nationalism of Iqbal is the European Product; Based on Nazism and Fascism

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Concept and theory is drived from the concepts of nationalism, presented by Friedhelm Busse, Christian Bouchet, Nick Griffin, Hafez al Assad, Oswald Mosley and Ioannis Metaxas while, compiled and relate with the Iqbal’s theories by Thomas Liam, Alexis Emile and Bilal Nadeem.

Majority of Asian and Eastern Scholars consider the concept of Nationalism presented by Iqbal as an Eastern or Asian product but, if we analysis the life of Iqbal during his PhD from Germany and during his active role of All India Muslim League (Sir Sahfi Group), we find that Iqbal has highly inspired from broader concept of German Nationalism; existed in the Germany before and during W.W.I. Same factor, he observed from the Italian attitude under Mussolini.

As Hitler raised the three slogans for German nation in entire world that;

  1. we are the Germans
  2. we are the superior, and,
  3. we have to take revenge.

He declared his initial phase of Nazism on the base of German nationalism, said that all the German people in entire world (either genetically, biologically, linguistically, culturally, socially or racially) are one nation. But, to strengthen German nation, there must be a strong Germany which must be able to take revenge from the allied powers during W.W.I.

Similarly, Mussolini highlighted same attitude in Italy for the sake of restoring previous Italian glory as he claimed.

As both ideologies and political movements became the cause of emerging third postionist or third alternative school where all the ethnic communities within one state have the right to design their own political and economic structure in the region where the live. This concept is some sort of federalism where each ethnic community can design its own political and economic structure within federal state. However, third positionaists argue that any ethnic community can raise ethno-national separatism for the sake of getting more strengthening the ethnic status where they would be sovereign regarding getting full economic and political powers.

To examine both ideologies and political movements, Iqbal designed religion-based nationalism in which all the Muslims (either genetically, biologically, linguistically, culturally, socially or racially) of entire world are considered as one nation while, there must be a separate homeland for Muslims in South Asia where they would have to strengthen as a nation.

Therefore, we can conclude that Iqbal is also a third positionist who demanded for separate homeland in South Asia. According to him, all the Muslims of entire world are one nation but they can be more strong within the one territorial jurisdiction, called Pakistan.


Devolution Plan of Pervez Musharraf and Ethnic Dilemma in Pakistan

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Easy written by Muhammad Asim, but compiled and re-arranged by Shazia Khattak and Urwa-tul-Wusqa, dated June 02, 2015.

Because of decentralization of power at local level without mentioning any political ideology, the devolution plan became the cause of reducing ethnic differences in Pakistan. Because of greed for getting support from all the racial, ethnic or tribal groups, political elites in each area tried to form such a rainbow of their candidates which were reflecting the mixing of almost all the racial, ethnic, linguistic, cultural, sectarian or tribal groups at local level. This was just to get popularity of political group in local government elections.

Experts analyzed that the local government system was running the country towards unitary form of government which is ultimately a right solution for resolving ethic differences in Pakistan. It could not only facilitated empowerment of local people (male and female) but also reduced highly-disturbing element of provincialism in Pakistan.

During two elections of local governments under devolution plan 2002 and 2006, all the political groups that formed their governments at district, tehsil or union council levels, were the mixture of different ethnic, linguistic, social, cultural, sectarian and racial groups that had been united form common cause, either greed for their selves or delivering welfare to public.

So, it is concluded that devolution plan of Pervez Musharraf is still the solution of eliminating ethnic dilemma in Pakistan because of its good welfaring structure.

Accession at Gunpoint

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Administration and the owner of this blog is totally rejected the viewpoint Waseem Altaf; the author of this easy. However, the basic purpose of publishing this easy is just to expose anti-Pakistan funded history by the rivals of Pakistan.

Author: Waseem Altaf
During British Raj Baluchistan did not enjoy the status of a province but comprised four princely states namely: Makran, Kharan, Lasbela and Kalat. The Khan of Kalat was the Head of the confederacy,also known as the Baluchistan States Union.The northern areas of Balochistan including Bolan Pass, Quetta, Nushki and Naseerabad were leased out to Britain, which were later, named as British Balochistan. In 1876 Sir Robert Sandeman Chief Commissioner of Balochistan concluded a treaty with the Khan of Kalat and brought his territories which included all four princely states under British suzerainty. The treaty between the Khan of Kalat and Robert Sandeman accepted the independence of Kalat asan allied state with British military outposts in the region. The Britishinterest in the region was to use it as a land mass bulwark against Central Asian encroachments. Around 1830’s Balochi nationalist parties emerged to contest for freedom from British rule. The princely state of Kalat was the focal point of a free and united Balochistan. The Khan of Kalat never acknowledged the largerparadigm of a federation arguing that Kalat had special Treaty powers.
In the partition plan of June 3, 1947, while discussing the future of Kalat, Lord Mountbatten said that he would meet the representativesof the other princely states and suggest to them that they should adhere to one or the other of the Dominions as the Union of India had reduced its demand for adherence to the states only to the subjects of Defense, Communications and Foreign Affairs. He further said that since there were only few such States in the case ofPakistan, Mr. Jinnah was willing to discuss the question of the method and degree of adherencewith each individually. He went on to argue that paramountcy wouldlapse with the transfer of power, and states would become independent de jure, butde facto very few were likely to benefit from it. He said that adherence to a Dominion was the only way of maintaining some form of relationship between the Crown and the states. He advised Kalat that although it had liberty of choice, it should associate with Pakistan on some terms.The Prime Minister of Kalat, Aslam Khan responded that the Khanof Kalat wanted to cometo an amicable settlement with Pakistan, which would be of mutual benefit. On June 17th 1947 Mr. Jinnah announced that while the British depart all Indian states would become independent and free to decide their future course of action.
On 15th of July 1947 Sir Geoffrey Prior wrote letters to Jam Sahab Lasbela and Nawab Sahab of Kharan communicating their subordinate status to the Khan of Kalat. Prior to this through Mastung Treaty dated 13th july1876 all tribal chiefs of Sarawaan, Jhalawan and Lasbela had accepted the suzerainty of Khan of Kalat. Earlier, on 1st April 1936 the Khan of Kalat issued a memorandum which was also enforced in Makran which showed that Makran was under the administrative control of Kalat.
The Khan of Kalat claimed that Jinnah had asked him whether he would be willing to sendrepresentativesto the Pakistan Constituent Assembly, to which he responded in the negative, saying it wouldnot be possible because of Kalat’s independent status. However, more importantly, the Khan had agreed with Jinnah that an understanding must be reached between Kalat and Pakistan on Defense, Foreign Affairs and Communications.The Viceroy opined that agreement on these subjects was essential. A series of meetings between the Viceroy, as the Crown’s Representative,Mr. Jinnah and the Khan of Kalat followed, which resulted in a communiqué on August 11, 1947. The communiqué stated that:
a. The Government of Pakistan recognizes Kalat as an independent sovereign state in treaty relations with the BritishGovernment with a status different from that of Indian states.
b. Legal opinion will be sought as to whether or not agreements of leases will be inherited by the Pakistan Government.
c. Meanwhile, a StandstillAgreement has been made between Pakistan and Kalat.
d. Discussions will take place between Pakistan and Kalat at Karachi at an early date with a view to reaching decisions on Defense, External Affairs and Communications.
The communiqué was signed by Lord Mountbatten, Mr. Muhammad Ali Jinnah, Mr. Liaquat Ali Khan, Lord Ismay,(Chief Commissioner) Mr. Ahmed Yar Khan (Khan of Kalat), Mr. Muhammad Aslam Khan (The PM of Kalat), Sir Sultan Ahmed (Legal Counsel).
The New York Times in its publication dated 12th August 1947 flashed the following news “Under the agreement, Pakistan recognizes Kalat as an independent sovereign state with a status different from that of the Indian state. An announcement from new Delhi said that Kalat, a Muslim state in Balochistan, has reached an agreement with Pakistan for free flow of Communications and Commerce and would negotiate for decision on Defense Foreign Affairs and Communications.” On 13th August 1947 the New York Times published a world map wherein Balochistan wasshown as a free and independent state.
On 12th August 1947 theKhan of Kalat proclaimedindependence and the flag of Kalat was hoisted. The upper & lower houses of the legislative were constituted and their first session was summoned for Sep 1947. Earlier, on the 15th of July 1947 the political Agent to Governor General wrote a letter to Jam Sahab Lasbela and Khan Sahab Kharan intimating them of the fact that the administrative control oftheir respective states was handed back to the state of Kalat.
On August 15, 1947 when the British withdrew from India, the Khan of Kalat said in his speech: “I thank God that one aspiration, that is independence, has been achieved, but the other two, the enforcement of Shariah-i-Muhammadi and unification of Baloch people, remain to be fulfilled. He also expressed the sense of incompleteness of the process of unification and independence, and appeared to be referringto the leased areas, which Pakistan had inherited from British India. The British, on the eve of departure, had played a neat trick with the Baloch people, as they proclaimed that thefuture of British Balochistan (Northern areas of Balochistan including Bolan Pass, Quetta, Nushki and Naseerabad) were to be determined by a voting college comprising the Shahi Jirga (excluding the representativesof the Balochistan States) and the elected members of the Quetta Municipality. The plan virtually limited the voting exercise to certain loyal clients of the British and the Muslim League.
By October 1947, Muhammad Ali Jinnah had a change of heart onthe recognition of Kalat as an “Independent and a Sovereign State”, and wanted the Khan to sign the same form of instrument of accession as the other states, which had joined Pakistan. The Khan was unwilling to abandon the nominally achieved independent status but ready to concede on Defense, Foreign Affairs and Communications.However, he was unwilling to sign either atreaty or an Instrument, until and unless he had got a satisfactory agreement on the leasedareas. Fears were also being voiced that officials of the Government of Pakistan might start dealing with the two feudatories of Lasbela and Kharan, and accept their de facto accession, as these two feudatories “were recognized by the CrownRepresentative as separate States” prior to July 15th 1947.
The Khan summoned both the houses of the legislative and a joint session was held on 14thDecember 1947 in Dhadar. The issue of accession to Pakistan was presented before the lower house (Dar-ul_Awam) by Mr. Douglas Y. Fell, the foreign minister of Kalat. Mr. Fell told the house that the Government of Pakistan wanted the state of Kalat to announce accession with Pakistan and subsequent to this the fate of leased areas, Kharan and Lasbela would be decided. He further told that the Khan categorically told Jinnah that Kalat was not prepared for accession with Pakistan. Mir Ghaus Buksh Bizenjo while addressing the Dar-ul-Awam said ‘Although we are Muslims, this does not mean we should be a part of Pakistan, If only being Muslim is the solitary reason for our being part of Pakistan, Iran and Afghanistan should also merge into Pakistan. It is impossiblefor Balochistan to be a part of Pakistan. Before the creation of Pakistan our Khan accommodatedMuslim League within itsjurisdiction while Pakistan is not willing toreturn our leased areas and the feudatories (Kharan and Lasbela) back to us. We can take care of our Defense, Foreign policy and Communications.We also have natural resources, ports, oil and gas. If Pakistan extends the hand of friendship we would welcome it, however, any undemocratic and coercive action would not be tolerated and we are prepared for any sacrifice to preserve our freedom and independence. Similar speeches were made by other members of the house. The Dar-ul-Awam unanimously rejected accession to Pakistan. On3rd and 4th Jan 1948, the session of Dar-ul-Umara was held in Dhadar. The house unanimously rejected any call for accession to Pakistan arguing that it would lead to cessation of Baloch Identity. The Khan then sent the unanimous decision of both the houses to Pakistan’s Foreign Officethrough Prime Minister of Kalat.
By February 1948, the discussions between Kalat and the Government of Pakistan were coming to a head. Mr. Jinnah wrote to the Khan of Kalat: “I advise you to join Pakistan without further delay…and let me have your final reply which you promised to do afteryour stay with me in Karachi when we fully discussed the whole question in all its aspects.” The Khan replied that he was not in a position to take a final decision on his ownwithout consulting the legislative. On February 14, 1948, Mr. Jinnah visited Sibi, Balochistan and addressed a Royal Durbar, where he announced that until thePakistan constitution is finally written in about two years time, he would govern the province with the help of an advisory council that he would nominate.However, the main reason for his visit to Balochistan was to persuade the Khan of Kalat to accede to Pakistan.
As it transpired, the Khan failed to turn up for the final meeting with him, pleading illness. In his letter to Mr.Jinnah he said that he had summoned both Houses of the Parliament, Dar-ul-Umara and Dar-ul-Awam, for their opinion about the future relations with the Dominion of Pakistan, and he would inform him about their opinion by the end of the month.When the Dar-ul-Awam met on February 21, 1948, it decided not to accede, but to negotiate a treaty to determine Kalat’s future relations with Pakistan. The Khan of Kalat also called a meeting of the Dar-ul-Umara to consider Mr. Jinnah’s request for Kalat to accede to Pakistan. The Dar-ul-Umara asked the Khan toseek three months to consider this request. The Khan of Kalat, made a brief speech in which he emphasized the need to have friendly relationswith Pakistan, and also said that the intentions of Mr. Jinnah towards Kalat were good. The Prime Minister of Kalat spoke next, and said thatsince this House had voted for Kalat’s independence, the only way forward for Kalat was to accede to Pakistan in the matters of Defense, Communications and Foreign Affairs. The Prime Minister argued that with accession in respect of the three subjects, the internal independence of Kalat would not be affected. But Mir Ghaus Baksh Bizanjo spoke against accession to Pakistan, and he argued that if Pakistan wanted friendship with Kalat, it should restore its leased territories as well as Kharan and Las Bela. The House dispersed withoutany intention of meetingagain. Dar-ul-Umara asked for three months to study the terms of accession in order to understand its implications. On March 9,1948 the Khan received communication from Mr.Jinnah announcing that he had decided not to deal personally with the Kalat state negotiations, which would henceforth be dealt with by the Pakistan Government.
On March 17, 1948 the Government of Pakistan announced accession of Kharan and Lasbela. Similarly Makran which was part of Kalat for 300years was declared a separate state and annexed. All these actions generated unrestand strong negative sentiments among the people of Balochistan.
On March 27, 1948, Lt. Colonel Gulzar of the 7th Baluch Regiment under GOC Major General Mohammad Akbar Khan invaded the Khanate of Kalat. General Akbar escorted the Khan of Kalat to Karachi and forced him to sign on the instrument of accession, as reported bySelig Harrison in his book “On the Shadows of Afghanistan”, while Pakistan Navy’s destroyers reached Pasniand Jiwani. The Khan of Kalat signed the accession papers on 28thMarch 1948. Mr. Jinnah signed them on 31st March 1948.The Khan was then detained, his cabinet dissolved, a largenumber of Baloch “dissidents” arrested and the army assumed full control of the province.
1. Bravhi, Abdur Rehman.“Balochistan and Pakistan” Gosh-e-Adab Quetta. (2006)
2. Selig, Harrison. “In Afghanistan’s Shadow: Baluch Nationalism and Soviet Temptations”, Washington D.C.: Carnegie Endowment forInternational Peace. (1980)
3. Syed, Dushka.”The Accession of Kalat: Myth and Reality”. (2008)

Demographic Structure of Pakistan 1951

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Data taken from the research of Dr. Tariq Rehman but, because of technical errors in his research, its debugging and then compilation is performed by Misbah Usman on July 26, 2017.

According to Dr. Tariq Rehman as his research published on the web link population ratio of Pakistan was in the year 1951 comprised of 55.6% Bengali, 29% Punjabi, 7.3% Urdu, 5.9% Sindhi, 4.9% Pashto and 1.5% Balochi, its total is exceeded from 100 to 104.2 that is the proof of falsification of this data. Therefore, we tried to re-collected all the data, debugging it and then arranged into a table given below.


Presence of Azerbaijanis in Russia

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Data taken from Russian official websites but compiled by Arsham Ahmadi.

As there are 119300 Russians are living in Azerbaijan according to census 2009, there are a large number of Azerbaijani community also lived in Russia. According to Russian Federation State Statistics Service (2004), Azerbaijani ethnic community in Russia is presented in the following Russian regions in following numbers:

  • Dagestan 130,919
  • Moscow (urban only) 57,123
  • Tyumen Oblast 43,610
  • Moscow Oblast (excl. Moscow) 19,061
  • Rostov Oblast 17,961
  • Stavropol Krai 17,800
  • Saint Petersburg (urban only) 17,717
  • Krasnoyarsk Krai 16,341
  • Saratov Oblast 14,868
  • Volgograd Oblast 14,398
  • Sverdlovsk Oblast 14,215
  • Samara Oblast 14,093

Armenian Ethnic Nationalism in Georgia: Historical, Demographic and Political Analysis

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Theme of this easy taken from the website of Diplomatic Observer but edited by Roupen Bsag.

It is reported that the movements that began with cultural rights demands by Armenians who live in Javakhethi region of Georgia haven gone through maturity period and it has been prepared a draft constitution by taking advantage from political instability in which Georgia fell down. It is also heard that architects of the so-called “Constitution that was prepared by an organization called “Javakhk” that made activities in Samtskhe-Javakheti and was sent to Georgian Government in early June 2005 were Ervan Shirinian and Artashes Vardapetian. In the draft constitution which consists of 31 articles it is stated geographical borders, capital city and administrative structure of Javakheti region and give detailed explanation about every kind of matters which will led the so-called political existence to be recognized such as acceptance of national flag and national anthem and usage of Armenian language as official language, forming legislative, executive and judicial body and establishment of their own security and military units. On the other hand, it is regarded such following articles in the draft constitution as first steps towards independence of Georgian Armenians; – Joint military units shall be established to protect the common borders of Georgia-Javakheti. The command of this unit shall be undertaken by an Armenian officer from Javakheti. Georgian and Russian volunteers may participate to this unit; however Armenians who live in the region shall do compulsory military service in this unit. This unit shall be received orders in Armenian language and the responsibility for the protection of borders shall be on Armenian forces. This unit shall consist of Armenian soldiers who have high nationalist feelings especially in order to provide security against Turks. -The arrangement of custom affairs on Armenian border may only be involved by Javakhetian people. Javakheti Parliament may appoint the Head of Custom Affairs Department by receiving approval of Georgian Government. -Javakheti region is dependent on the Republic of Armenia in economic, commercial, production and religious affairs. The relationship between two countries may not be intervened by any Georgian institution. This text was announced as “the Constitution of Javakheti Autonomous Republic” and sent to Georgian Parliament. It is reported that parliamentarians who joined in the session said that “it is an absurd text and it is impossible to be accepted” and “they did not take this initiative seriously” after reading this text in the Parliament. However it is seen the development as meaningful on the ground that even the attempt to be prepared this kind of the draft constitution indicated the ambitions of Armenians in the region. It is an undeniable fact that these movements that have a potential to become second Nogorno Karabakh in Southern Caucasus and have already be supported by Armenia will further escalate in the future as a result of recent developments between Georgia and Russian Federation. Although it is stated that it shall be remained royal to Tbilisi Government in many paragraphs of the so-called draft constitution, it is understood that Armenians have planned (dreamed) to take steps towards autonomy by taking advantage from “democratic” atmosphere in Georgia and after autonomy, to unite with Armenia by separating from Georgia which has already been in political impasse because of the existent autonomous republics.

Note: Theme of this easy taken from the website

Why Javakheti Should be Autonomous Region within Georgia

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Data taken from different books and websites but compiled by Saro Bedros.

Although, Georgian constitution is providing fully constitutional accommodation to all the ethnic segments in the state but, after the issue of South Ossetia and Abkhazia, Georgian government is feelings threats behind the demands for regional autonomy by any ethnic community like Armenians.

However, it is clear that the respective region can never be a sovereign country on the base of Armenian ethnicity. Therefore, Armenian nationalists in Armenia have neglected their dream to see this region as sovereign country. However, some Armenian nationalists in Georgia and Armenia are desiring to see this region as an autonomous entity within Georgia. While, Georgian government has a worse experience of awarding regional autonomy to Abkhazia after getting independence from USSR. Therefore, it is not ready to awarded autonomy to this region.

Map of the Javakheti region is highlighting the map given below:


The region highlighting with green color in the map is the territory of Javakheti region while, Georgian government has established anew administrative region with amalgamation of Javakheti region and Samtskhe mountainous area (highlight in orange color).

While the reasons for which Armenians in Georgia or Armenian nationalists in Armenia demanding autonomy are as follows;

  1. Obeying Armenian culture instead of Georgian culture
  2. Follow Churches under Armenian Catholic Church instead of other religious schools in Georgia
  3. Armenian language instead of any other language in Georgia
  4. Different traditions and living standards from other Georgian ethnic communities.
  5. Triggering after observing autonomous status of Nakhchivan in Azerbaijan or de-facto sovereign status of Ngorno-Karabakh.